Virginia
Three constitutional amendments reach the ballot on November 3. A fourth already failed — the Supreme Court of Virginia nullified an April referendum for defective process, but the same bills had moved the primary out of June, and that part stuck.
What happened to the April referendum?
State deltas
Every state has hair. Here is Virginia's.
The rules that make this state different from the last one, what each breaks if you assume the national default, and how the engine resolves it.
An independent city is not inside a county; it is the county's peer. The register is 133 localities — 95 counties and 38 cities — not 95 counties with municipalities beneath them, and a strict county-then-city hierarchy has nowhere to put Norfolk. The names then collide on purpose: four base names are simultaneously a county and a city — Fairfax, Franklin, Richmond, Roanoke — and two counties carry the word City inside their own names, James City County and Charles City County, so a substring test misfiles them as cities. Richmond County is a rural county on the Northern Neck and is not the capital.
The county rank is modeled as a locality with a shape flag rather than as a county, every reference resolves by FIPS instead of by name, and the four collision pairs and two City County names are pinned as fixtures.
HJ4, HB29 and HB1384 sent a mid-decade congressional redistricting amendment to a statewide referendum on April 21, 2026. The Supreme Court of Virginia held on May 8 that the process violated Article XII, Section 1 and nullified the result. But the same bills had already moved the 2026 primary off the third Tuesday in June to August 4, and moved U.S. House filing to May 26 for primary candidates and August 4 for independents. The amendment failed and the calendar change did not, so a crawler holding § 24.2-515 is seven weeks wrong about a date that statute still states.
Election dates are per-cycle records carrying the act that set them, never derived from the standing statute. The April 21 referendum is retained with a nullified outcome rather than deleted.
Article VI, Section 7 gives the choice of every justice and judge to the General Assembly — twelve-year terms on the Supreme Court, eight years on every other court. Virginia elects no judges at any level, which is the exact opposite of Florida inside the same family. A pipeline expecting a judicial tier finds a researched zero here, and that zero must never be confused with a tier nobody has harvested yet.
The judicial tier carries an explicit zero with its constitutional cite, structurally distinct from an absent count.
With no party registration, primary eligibility is geographic. On August 4 the Republican primary ran in all 133 localities behind a statewide U.S. Senate contest while the Democratic primary ran in 82 with no Senate race at all — 6,436,403 eligible registrations against 3,156,651. Treating the August 4 primary as one election with one electorate produces a turnout denominator wrong by more than three million, and the geography does not track partisanship: Norton City had a Democratic ballot and Richmond City did not.
A primary is modeled per party per locality, each with its own eligible-registration denominator drawn from the state's own locality list.
There is no statewide local cycle. In November 2025 every one of the 133 localities was on the ballot for governor, but only 72 elected school boards, 64 elected a governing body, and 46 elected constitutional officers — and that 46 was all 38 independent cities plus 8 counties. Seventeen localities carried no local office at all. The rest elect in even Novembers. Assuming a locality's council is up because its neighbour's is will be wrong about half the time.
Each locality carries its own local-office clock, derived from observed filings rather than inherited from the state or from an adjacent locality.
Before the August primaries Virginia had already run ten separate elections in 2026 — January 6, January 13, January 20, February 3, February 10, March 3, March 10, March 17, April 14 and April 21 — nearly all of them writs to fill General Assembly and local vacancies, each with its own registration deadline, its own polling-place roster and its own results feed. A calendar shaped around a primary and a general misses most of Virginia's year, and the specials arrive faster than any fixed schedule can anticipate.
Special elections are first-class dated events discovered from the results index itself, never inferred from a cycle.
The 2022 Census of Governments counts 522 local governments in Virginia — 95 counties, 228 municipalities, no townships, 198 special districts — and exactly one independent school district. Every other division is a dependent agency of its county or city, so a harvest keyed to school-district governments finds one government in a state where dozens of localities elect a school board. And § 22.1-25 leaves division boundaries to the Board of Education on geographical area and school-age population, so they are not required to follow locality lines at all.
School divisions are carried as their own geography with a fiscal-dependency flag, joined to localities by membership rather than by containment.
The statutes and the Department of Elections say locality where the rest of the country says county, division for a school district, general registrar for the appointed local elections official, and constitutional officer for the five seats Article VII, Section 4 requires every county and city to fill — treasurer, sheriff, attorney for the Commonwealth, clerk of the circuit court, and commissioner of the revenue. The clerk runs eight years while the other four run four, so the bundle does not even share a cycle. Matching on county clerk or county board of elections returns nothing here.
Vocabulary is carried per state, and the five constitutional offices are modeled individually with their own terms rather than as a single bundle.
Federal to town
What Virginia actually elects.
Nothing on this ladder is a judge, and almost nothing is a state office — the whole statewide ticket and all 100 delegates rode November 2025, so 2026 is the federal races, one special, and whichever localities happen to sit on the even-year clock.
Congressional map
Where those seats are.
The 11 congressional districts in force for the 2026 cycle — not necessarily the map this delegation was elected under. Virginia has not redrawn since the 119th Congress was seated.
| District | Population | Median income |
|---|---|---|
| VA-01 | 814,127 | $101,005 |
| VA-02 | 789,864 | $91,706 |
| VA-03 | 773,212 | $64,323 |
| VA-04 | 796,240 | $71,586 |
| VA-05 | 798,327 | $69,333 |
| VA-06 | 794,509 | $69,115 |
| VA-07 | 814,164 | $109,348 |
| VA-08 | 769,124 | $125,354 |
| VA-09 | 776,692 | $53,640 |
| VA-10 | 805,856 | $154,020 |
| VA-11 | 783,583 | $148,511 |
Locality ledger
One portal, one JSON API, and 133 localities that all report through it.
The Department of Elections runs a single election-night feed for the whole state, serves it as JSON in English, Spanish, Korean and Vietnamese, and publishes a polling-place roster per election. Precinct counts below are real, read from the April 21 statewide roster. Thirteen of 133 shown.
| Locality | Feed vehicle | Precincts | Aug 4 primaries | Status | Last read |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Fairfax County | JSON feed | 265 | 2 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Virginia Beach City | JSON feed | 108 | 2 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Loudoun County | JSON feed | 107 | 1 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Prince William County | JSON feed | 103 | 1 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Richmond City | JSON feed | 72 | 1 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Roanoke County | JSON feed | 33 | 2 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Roanoke City | JSON feed | 20 | 2 | Verified | 1 hr |
| James City County | JSON feed | 18 | 2 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Fairfax City | JSON feed | 6 | 1 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Richmond County | JSON feed | 5 | 2 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Charles City County | JSON feed | 3 | 1 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Norton City | JSON feed | 1 | 2 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Lexington City | JSON feed | 1 | 1 | Verified | 1 hr |