Kentucky

Statewide officers elect odd years (§95: 2023→2027), the county courthouse elects on the midterm (§99: 2022→2026), and circuit clerks plus Commonwealth's attorneys ride a six-year cycle (§97: 2024→2030). A crawler diffing the 2024 and 2026 county ballots watches circuit-clerk races vanish and must not flag a missing office — and a Mississippi-trained model has the county cycle exactly backwards.

Section 99 names the slate verbatim: judge/executive, county clerk, county attorney, sheriff, jailer, coroner, surveyor, assessor (today's PVA), plus a magistrate and constable per justice's district — four-year terms, all 120 counties, all on this ballot. The jailer is a constitutional office that exists nowhere else in the family: elected even where no jail exists (the statute makes those jailers transport officers), except Jefferson and Fayette, where the office merged into sheriff — 118 races, not 120.

The 'judge/executive' is the elected county executive — the constitutional text still calls it 'Judge of the County Court' though its judicial duties were stripped in 1976 — and the 'fiscal court' is the county legislature, seated by magistrates or commissioners. A title-based classifier files both under the judiciary and corrupts 120 counties twice over — the Arkansas trap, squared by a court that is a legislature.

To vote in the May primary a voter must have been registered with that party since December 31 of the prior year and stayed continuously registered (KRS 116.055) — the earliest effective cutoff in the family, four and a half months out. But every voter, independents included, votes the nonpartisan judicial and school races on the same primary ballot — so primary-day turnout is not the partisan electorate.

Kentucky abolished runoff machinery in 2008: plurality nominates and wins, and an exact tie is decided 'by lot' (KRS 118.245(2)). Booker took a Senate nomination at 46.8% this cycle. Runoff-detection logic imported from Alabama or Mississippi waits forever, and a tie-resolution model expecting a second election misses that the tiebreaker is a drawing.

Kentucky's famous recanvass is an administrative re-read of equipment totals — requestable only under a 1% margin, deadline 4 p.m. the Tuesday after, conducted that Thursday 'without unlocking the voting equipment.' A real recount is a separate, court-ordered proceeding under Chapter 120. And the core counting statute (KRS 117.275) was amended effective April 14, 2026 — mid-cycle — so certification-timeline assumptions from 2024 need re-verification against the new act.

The election-night reporting site answers automated fetches with a 403 and an acceptable-use page — a scraper is blocked by design. What the state publishes is paper-shaped: one certified recap PDF per county, a statewide certification PDF (which can itself be amended — 2024's was, in December), and no CSV, Excel, or JSON anywhere. Polls close at 6 p.m. with results embargoed until then.

Local-option alcohol elections are petition-driven and land 60 to 150 days after filing, on a date the petition itself names — precinct, city, or county scope, any time of year, coinciding with a primary or general only if the petition hits narrow windows. No other family state generates standalone election events this way.