Colorado
Half the electorate belongs to no party at all, and 3,201 of the state's 3,715 local governments are special districts. Colorado is mostly districts, governed mostly by people who declined to pick a side.
What is Colorado's turnout rate?
State deltas
Every state has hair. Here is Colorado's.
The rules that make this state different from the last one, what each breaks if you assume the national default, and how the engine resolves it.
Registration is reported across eleven party codes — Unaffiliated, Democratic, Republican, Libertarian, No Labels, American Constitution, Green, Approval Voting, Center, Unity and Forward. Unaffiliated holds 2,016,174 of 3,986,025 active registrations, an outright majority and more than both major parties together. A schema with a two-party column and an other bucket loses the plurality of the electorate, and any model that treats primary eligibility as a function of party enrolment is wrong for half the state.
Party is an open vocabulary read from the state's own column set, and primary eligibility is modeled per party per cycle rather than derived from a voter's enrolment.
Unaffiliated electors are mailed primary ballots, but a minor party may prohibit them from voting in its primary by notifying the Secretary of State not less than 75 days before the primary — April 16 for the June 30 election. So whether an unaffiliated voter can participate in a given party's primary is a per-party, per-cycle decision with its own filing deadline, and it can change between cycles without any change in law. The resulting electorates are not comparable across parties or across years.
Primary participation rules are stored per party per cycle with the notification on file, never as a property of the state's primary system.
The Secretary of State's 2024 general precinct workbook carries Active, Inactive and Total columns and computes its turnout against Total — 3,239,261 over 4,579,953, or 70.73%, where the same ballots against active registrations give 79.56%. The 2026 primary feed reports a denominator of 4,025,423, which tracks the active count rather than the total. Two official surfaces, two answers, 8.83 points apart. And registration carries a third category, pre-registered sixteen and seventeen year olds — 114,697 of them — who sit inside the grand total and cannot vote.
Turnout carries its denominator and the file it came from, and active, inactive and pre-registered are kept as three separate counts rather than summed into a total.
Colorado runs all-mail elections, and the clerk must send a mail ballot packet to each active eligible elector — October 9 for the 2026 general. Inactive electors, 582,596 of them, are not sent one. So inactive is not a bookkeeping flag here as it is in a poll-site state; it is the difference between receiving a ballot and not. A pipeline that folds inactive into a single registered-voter figure both inflates the denominator and hides which voters the state actually reached.
Ballot delivery status is derived from the active flag and stored on the voter record, so reach and registration are never conflated.
Three Regent of the University of Colorado seats and three State Board of Education seats appeared on the 2026 primary ballot apportioned to congressional districts 1, 2, 3, 6 and 7. These are state offices whose constituencies are federal districts, so their boundaries change at every congressional redistricting, and a seat's electorate can be redrawn by a process that has nothing to do with the office. Anything treating a state office's district as a state-defined geography will drift out of date silently.
District geography carries the authority that defines it, so an office whose constituency is a congressional district is re-derived whenever that district changes.
Of 3,715 local governments the Census counts in Colorado, 3,201 are special districts and only 272 are municipalities. Metropolitan, water, sanitation, fire, library and park districts overlap each other and cross municipal lines freely, each with its own elected board and its own election. The word district therefore carries no implication about scale, function or containment, and a harvest that models municipalities as the local layer captures under a tenth of the state's governments.
Special districts are a first-class tier with a function code rather than a residual category, and the local layer is not assumed to be municipal.
The state's certified 2026 primary abstract is published as a scanned PDF — jbig2 stencils, no embedded fonts, zero extractable text — so the authoritative record is the one artifact that cannot be parsed, and every machine-readable figure comes from a feed that is not the certified document. Separately, the 2024 precinct workbook carries a 400-character explanation of a Montezuma County ballot error, in which voters were moved to a different precinct to receive a missing school district question, as a row in the data. A naive parser reads it as a county.
Certified artifacts are tracked separately from parseable ones so provenance is never assumed to follow the numbers, and non-data rows are detected and captured as notes rather than dropped or ingested.
Colorado administers elections through 64 counties, and both the state's registration file and its 2026 primary feed report 64. The Census of Governments counts 62 county governments, because Denver and Broomfield are consolidated city-and-counties and are classified as municipal. So a harvest reconciled against Census unit counts is short two, and the two missing ones are among the largest — Denver alone holds 301 precincts and 459,250 active voters.
County identity comes from the state's election administration list, with the Census classification stored alongside rather than substituted for it.
Federal to special district
What Colorado actually elects.
The state feed carries 105 offices and stops. Everything below it — the counties, the towns, the school boards and three thousand two hundred special districts — is run and reported by the counties.
Congressional map
Where those seats are.
The 8 congressional districts in force for the 2026 cycle — not necessarily the map this delegation was elected under. Colorado has not redrawn since the 119th Congress was seated.
| District | Population | Median income |
|---|---|---|
| CO-01 | 722,087 | $93,793 |
| CO-02 | 721,783 | $97,432 |
| CO-03 | 730,686 | $71,503 |
| CO-04 | 767,791 | $109,710 |
| CO-05 | 737,347 | $89,491 |
| CO-06 | 730,351 | $98,242 |
| CO-07 | 726,989 | $99,041 |
| CO-08 | 740,576 | $92,135 |
County ledger
One statewide feed to the state line, and sixty-four county feeds under it.
Precinct counts and registration below are current, read from the Secretary of State's August 1, 2026 statistics file — which reports active, inactive and pre-registered separately for every county and precinct. Inactive matters here: Colorado mails a ballot to each active elector and not to the others. Statewide that is 3,986,025 active, 582,596 inactive and 114,697 pre-registered across 3,178 precincts. Thirteen of 64 shown.
| County | Feed vehicle | Precincts | Inactive | Status | Last read |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Arapahoe | JSON feed | 396 | 55,193 | Verified | 1 hr |
| El Paso · Colorado Springs | JSON feed | 334 | 97,231 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Denver · city and county | JSON feed | 301 | 94,018 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Jefferson | JSON feed | 298 | 51,322 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Adams | JSON feed | 283 | 38,642 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Douglas | JSON feed | 210 | 35,808 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Boulder | JSON feed | 192 | 31,405 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Weld | JSON feed | 187 | 27,303 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Jackson · highest inactive share | JSON feed | 1 | 278 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Dolores | JSON feed | 1 | 160 | Verified | 1 hr |
| San Juan | JSON feed | 1 | 133 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Mineral | JSON feed | 1 | 127 | Verified | 1 hr |
| Hinsdale · smallest | JSON feed | 1 | 75 | Verified | 1 hr |